Don’t let Belarus become a cold case again

Last
December, the violent crackdown by security forces on demonstrators in
the Belarusian capital of Minsk, who protested alleged vote rigging,
dispelled any hope of a political thaw in the country. Quickly
gone were Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko’s promises of
loosening his iron grip on the Belarusian society in exchange for
improved economic ties with the West as Lukashenko made it
unequivocally clear that he would not tolerate any challenge to his
rule. Lukashenko once again showed his true colours and that he fully
deserved the ignominious title of the Europe's last dictator.
This
puts the EU in an especially awkward and embarrassing position since,
during the run-up to the presidential election, it was led to believe
that Lukashenko was ready to allow a more democratic election in return
for economic and political benefits. Faced with mounting economic
difficulties at home and increasingly difficult relations with its main
ally, Russia, President Lukashenko had tried to woo the EU into a
broader partnership in hope of securing his embattled regime some room
for respite. Nevertheless,
the sudden turn of events following the announcement of Lukashenko's
victory in the presidential election should not have surprised anyone.
After all, the Belarusian president has a long history of broken
promises. Therefore, if anything, the events of last December tell us
that the current president of Belarus should not be trusted. But perhaps
more importantly, it compels the EU and its individual member states to
think what their long-term approach towards Belarus should be. After
imposing a fresh batch of sanctions against Belarus, the EU is
effectively back to square one in its dealing with Belarus. The
Belarusian regime remains fairly stable and no dramatic changes can be
expected overnight. Moreover, the momentous events in North Africa and
the Middle East threaten to relegate Belarus to the margins of European
politics. But the Belarusian public should not be forsaken by the rest
of Europe. A lot can be done in helping to steer the Belarusian public
towards a more democratic future. Steadfast and persistent approach is needed What
the EU in general - but particularly its member states in Eastern Europe
- need to do is to pursue a two-pronged approach. First, as a result of
the last presidential election, the regime has lost any shred of
credibility, thereby European countries should not waste time talking to
Lukashenko or his closest coterie of henchmen. Second, the EU needs to
launch a sustained positive engagement with all strata of the Belarusian
society, barring the top echelon of the Belarusian leadership. However,
for this strategy to succeed, it is essential that Lukashenko is
deprived of any opportunity to play its two most important neighbours –
the EU and Russia – off against each other. The importance of which
cannot be overstated. Lukashenko should not be trusted Considering
the recent developments in Belarus, Brussels should not leave anyone
doubting its resolve to ostracize Lukashenko and his loyalists. In the
21st Century Europe, state-sponsored violence on such a scale
as witnessed first-hand by the demonstrators in Minsk is, quite
frankly, impermissible. Acting in concert, European countries should
make the best use of smart sanctions tailored specifically to hurt the
Belarusian leadership and its loyalists through the imposition of travel
bans and the freezing of their assets abroad. It goes without saying
that those directly responsible for the violence in the streets of Minsk
should be held accountable. That
said, however, the EU might partially lift sanctions but only in
exchange for concrete steps on part of the Belarusian regime, such as
the release of political prisoners. In addition, Brussels can offer some
easing of trade restrictions but that too should be made strictly
conditional on the willingness of the Belarusian government to allow for
more freedom in the society. Although
largely a symbolical gesture, the imposition of targeted sanction will
allow the EU to send a message that the unparalleled behaviour of
Lukashenko's regime won't be tolerated. Robust positive engagement Yet,
the imposition of sanctions in and of itself does not provide a magic
remedy for the EU's Belarusian headache. In fact, the sanctions can
have a very limited impact and only serve to the single purpose of
publically reprimanding the regime. In the aftermath of the presidential
election, some EU member states have begun calling on the Union to
introduce more robust and wide-ranging sanctions. This would be wrong.
For if there is any hope for Belarus and its people, it is in the
country's greater exposure to Europe rather than its continued
isolation. First,
it is essential that the EU promotes increasing contacts between
Belarusian people in all walks of life and the rest of Europe. For
instance, the EU and individual member states should make it easier for
Belarusian students to study in Europe. Similarly, the underdeveloped
private sector of the Belarusian economy could greatly benefit from any
outside experience it can get. Thus, through various programs the EU can
support start-up medium and small businesses with technical assistance
and visits of Belarusian businessmen abroad. Although
there should be very little direct contact with Lukahsneko and his
government, Brussels should maintain and even further encourage
interaction with low-level government officials. A good case in point is
cooperation between Belarus and its EU neighbours in countering
cross-boarder crime. Such regional initiatives should be further
developed as they might hold key to forging a positive working
relationship between the EU and some elements of the regime less tainted
with the oppressive authoritarian style of the Belarusian president. All
in all, the less isolated the Belarusian people become, the better
prospects for strengthening of the civil society there are in the long
run. However, this won't happen unless there is progress on visa
liberalization. The EU needs to strive for visa liberalization
irrespective of reciprocity for the Belarusian government. Last
but not least, the EU and individual member states should boost their
spending on democratization projects. Granted that activities of civil
society are strictly curtailed by the Belarusian authorities, European
countries need to primarily support groups of Belarusian activists
outside of the country. That way this will not require the consent of
the Belarusian authorities. The Czech Republic has a successful track
record of helping funding similar projects but more needs to be done in
this respect. The Belarusian people deserve a chance to be able to
express their opinions in opposition to President Lukashenko. Deprive Lukashenko of his foreign policy trump card As we
pointed out above, for this strategy to succeed, Lukashenko needs to be
deprived of any chance to exploit differences between its two most
important neighbours as he has done so successfully in the past. It
is no secret that Russia has in the past years grown increasingly
impatient with Lukashenko who has in turn tried to cosy up to the EU to
compensate for Moscow's withering support. Belarus is economically
dependent on Russia yet there is no love lost between the two
governments since it becomes increasingly apparent that Moscow is weary
of the erratic Belarusian leader. However,
what has played in Lukashenko's favour in the past is the impression
that Brussels and Moscow were locked in a geopolitical struggle over the
future of Belarus. This has oftentimes been presented as a zero-sum
game in which the gains of the one side automatically translated into
the losses of the other. However, this is a gross misrepresentation of
the situation. Since there is little appetite for Lukashenko's
capricious behaviour in Moscow, Russia and the EU appear to be on the
same page that an early departure of the Belarusian leader would benefit
both of them. To this effect, the EU needs to communicate to Russia in
clearest possible terms that on Belarus they can gain more by acting as
partners rather than rivals. It will take time There is little doubt that Belarus under the authoritarian rule of Alexander Lukashenko is
destined to remain a sore spot of Europe for some time to come. This
should not, however, discourage European countries from pushing for a
change. As last year’s Belarusian presidential election demonstrated,
Lukashenko cannot be trusted and he remains committed to staying in
power come what it may. The fact that the Belarusian regime remains
fairly stable doesn’t mean that the EU should give up on Belarus.
Instead, European countries acting together should focus their effort on
promoting people-to-people contacts, thereby lifting up the veil of
isolation suffocating the Belarusian people. It is, therefore, the
country's isolation that paradoxically helps Lukashenko consolidate his
power. Finally,
Lukashenko should not be allowed to play the EU and Russia off against
each other. In many respects, Lukashenko is a typical bully and as such,
he not only plays on the fears of his own people but also on those of
his neighbours. But thanks to the growing economic woes at home he might
be in a far more precarious position then he is willing to let on.
Therefore, this should encourage Brussels and Moscow to act in greater
unity and not let Lukashenko use them as political pawns.
| By Jan Hamacek & Jakub Kulhanek |
|
Jan Hamacek is the Deputy Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee in the Czech Parliament. He is the member of the Social Democratic Party. Jakub Kulhanek is the Head of the East European Program at the Association for International Affairs, Prague, and is currently with the School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Nottingham. |